CBS 5305 English Translation of a Murashu
Brothers Text from the time of the end of Nehemiah’s term (Transliterated, translated and discussed by
Koot van Wyk)
Introduction A summary is online maybe at Wikipaedia but
here it is: “The Murašu Archive is a collection of cuneiform
tablets, excavated between 1888 and 1900, from the ruins of Nippur in central
Babylonia. Named after the chief member of a single family, the Murašu Archive
is a collection of business records that spans four generations. Assembled
during the reigns of the Persian kings Artaxerxes I, Darius II, and Artaxerxes
II, the Murašu Archive provides the largest and most illuminating view into the
business activities and conditions of Persian-ruled Babylonia during the last
hundred and fifty years of the Achaemenid kingship.”
Original Text, Transliteration and Translation Original Text appeared in A. T. Clay and
Hilprecht 1898 plates 70-71 text 86a Antiquated Transliteration plus German
translation appeared in J. Augapfel 1917: 66-67. Related (same names Heshbon and Šabbata-a) text CBS
12937 by M. W. Stolper 1985: 147 as text 32. This Transliteration and
English Translation is by Koot van Wyk 24th November 2019, Chongni,
Sangju, South Korea. Transliteration and
Translation in English (Obv.) 1′[mE-a-ṣitti]-šú A šá mAḫ-da-tu4-še LÚ-ARAD šá mdEn-lil-[šum-iddina…]-da-šab-′
A šá mŠabbat-a-a E-a-ṣitti]-šú, the son of Aḫ-da-tu4-še, servant of En-lil-[šum-iddina
the son of…]-da-šab, the son of Šabbat-a-a
2′ [ina ḫu-u]d lìb-bi-šu-nu a-na mdEn-lil-šum-iddina
A šá mMu-ra-šu-[ú
ki-a-a]m iq-bu-ú um-ma. ŠE.NUMUN.MEŠ [in
fre]edom of his heart unto En-lil-šum-iddina the son of Mu-ra-šu-[ú likewi]se he
spoke: “Your grain
3′ [pî] šul-pu [É.gišBAN] bît iṣu[qašti]-ka šá ina URU Ku-za-bat-túm u URU […u ŠE.NUMUN]MEŠ
pî šul-pu [É.gišBAN] bît iṣuqašti-ka cultivated
bow[shaped?]land which is in the city of Ku-za-bat-túm and in the city of …
grai]n cultivated bow [shaped] land of yours
4′ [ŠE.NUMUN].MEŠ pî šul-pu […] ŠE.NUMUN.MEŠ
pa-[MUŠ4]′-ṣi-[e-tú] [É.UŠ-ti]bît rit-ti-ka ŠE.NUMUN
pî šul-pu Grain
cultivated […], grain (certain plant), your house of succession, your
cultivated grain
5′ iṣuqašti šá mRa-ḫi-im-DINGIR. MEŠ … šá ina URU Ku-gab-ba-ri…
URU Ku-ra-ḫi-mu bow(shaped)
land of Ra-ḫi-im-el … which is in the city of Ku-gab-ba-ri
… city of Ku-ra-ḫi-mu
6′u
li-mi-it URU Ku-gab-ba-ri ŠE.NUMUN.MEŠ …ina
URU É Da-a-a-na-tu4 u ina URU Ḫa-aš-ba-a and
surrounding city of Ku-gab-ba-ri, grain … in the city of the House of Da-a-a-na-tu
and in the city of Ḫa-aš-ba-a,
7′ šá kišâd ÍD.Nannaru-magir ŠE.NUMUN.MEŠ pî
šul-pu […i]ṣuqaštu šá mRa-ḫi-im-DINGIR. MEŠ u mareMEŠ šá ina URU
Ti-tur-ru of the
neck/bank of the channel Great-Nannaru, cultivated grain [of] bow (shaped) of Ra-ḫi-im-el and sons which is in the city
of Ti-tur-ru,
8′′ šá mdEN-Nannaru-magir ina URU Ḫu-uṣ-ṣi-e-tú šá LÚ[rê′ê]MEŠ URU Iš-qal-lu-nu
URU É Ki-Ki-e URU É mAk-ki-e of the
Great Nannaru in the city Ḫu-uṣ-ṣi-e-tú of the peoples of the city of Iš-qal-lu-nu,
city of the House Ki-Ki-e, city of the House Ak-ki-e
9′u
[AN]ele-nu ÍD.DINGIR.Nannaru-magir imnu u
šumêlu 72 alpuzun um-man-mu šá 18 ia4[ZÁ] iṣnartabu[SÚN] ir-bit-tu4 and height
of the Great Nannaru channel, left and right, 72 trained oxen, of 18 stone
(objects), sizeable wooden vases,
10′a-di ú-nu-ti-šu-nu gamirtimtim u [ana ŠE.NUMUN] 226 GUR ŠE.BAR
6 GUR 3 (pî) 2 (BAR) šekibtu[GIG] 30 GUR šekunâšu[ZIZ.AN.NA]
2 GUR šeḫalluru[šeGÚ.GAL] unto their utensils totality, and to
grain 226 measures [gur], barley 6 measures [gur], 3 (pi), 2 (bar) wheat(1), 30
measures [gur] wheat(2), 2 measures [gur] of chick-peas,
11′1 GUR 2 (pî) 3 (BAR) šeGÚ-TUR 6 GUR šešamaššammu[ŠE.GIŠ]
6 GUR šeSUM-SAR 2 GUR šeSUM-SAR-EL(?) u
a-na ḫi-ru- tu4
ID.MEŠ 1 measure [gur], 2 (pi), 3 (bar) lentils,
6 measures [gur] sesame, 6 measures [gur] garlic, 2 measures [gur] onion(?) and
for the excavation of the channels
12′150 GUR ŠE.BAR
a-na šeati a-di 3 ta MU.AN.NA.MEŠ
[bi]-in-na-an-na-šim-ma i-na MU i-na ITI GU4
150
measures [gur] barley, to us unto 3 years give yearly in the month of Aiaru
13′2260 GUR ŠE.BAR
200 GUR šekibtu[GIG]
350 GUR šekunâšu[ZIZ.AN.NA]
20 GUR šeḫalluru[šeGÚ.GAL] 10 GUR šeGÚ-TUR 60
GUR šešamaššammu[ŠE.GIŠ] 2260 measures [gur] barley, 200
measures [gur] wheat(1), 350 measures [gur] wheat(2), 20 measures [gur]
chick-peas, 10 measures [gur] of lentils, 60 measures [gur] sesame,
14′napḫar[PAP]2700
(GUR) ebûru[BURU15] 4
GUR saḫ-lí-e 1 gur ŠE.ŠAM.EBUR SAR 18 GUR ŠE.šûmu[SAM.SAR] 8 GUR ŠE.SUM.SAR.EL(?) 20 GUR šaman
kirî Total 2700 measures [gur] to harvest, 4
measures [gur] watercress(?)/gardencress(?= Lepidium satīvum), 1 measure [gur] harvestable herbal plants(?), 18
measures [gur] garlic, 8 measures [gur] onions, 20 measures [gur] garden-oil
15′ina iṣuma-ši-ḫu rabûu ina muḫ-ḫi ÍD mdNannaru-magir u man-dat-tum ištenen alpu[GU4] 15 zi-kar 2500 qâta šá kiti in great
(wooden) measures on top of the channel of the Great Nannaru and as a gift an
ox, 15 goats, 2500 linnen (hand woven) clothes
16′ni-id-dak-ka ár-ku mdEn-lil-šum-iddina iš-me-šu-nu-ti-ma ŠE.NUMUN.MEŠ pî šul-pu ina mi-ṣa-ri-ši-na you will
provide. Far [in a distance] En-lil-šum-iddina gave them the grain cultivated
fields in their borders
17′72 alpu[GU4]
šá 18 ia4[ZÁ] iṣnartabu[SÚN] a-di ú-nu-ti-šu-nu
gamirtimtim u ana ŠE.NUMUN 226 GUR ŠE.BAR 6 GUR 3 (pî) 2 (BAR) šekibtu[GIG]
72 oxen of 18 stone (objects), sizeable
wooden vases, unto unto their utensils totality, and to grain 226 measures
[gur], barley 6 measures [gur], 3 (pi), 2 (bar) wheat(1),
18′30 GUR šekunâšu[ZIZ.AN.NA]
2 GUR šeḫalluru[šeGÚ.GAL] 1
GUR 2 (pî) 3 (BAR) GÚ-TUR 6 GUR šešamaššammu[ŠE.GIŠ]
6 GUR ŠE.šûmu[SAM.SAR] 2 GUR ŠE.SUM.EL 30 measures [gur] wheat(2), 2 measures
[gur] of chick-peas, 1 measure [gur], 2 (pi), 3 (bar) lentils, 6 measures [gur]
sesame, 6 measures [gur] garlic, 2 measures [gur] onion(?),
19′u ana ḫi-ru-tú šá ID.MEŠ 150
GUR ŠE-BAR a-na šeati a-di 3ta MU. MEŠ id-daš-šu-nu-ti and and for the excavation of the
channels 150 measures [gur] barley, to us unto 3 years
give yearly
20′ina MU ina
ITU GU4
2260 GUR ŠE-BAR 140
(GUR) šekibtu[GIG] 250 GUR šekunâšu[ZIZ.AN.NA] in
the month of Aiaru 2260 measures
[gur] barley, 140 measures [gur] wheat(1), 250 measures [gur] wheat(2),
21′20 GUR šeḫalluru[šeGÚ.GAL] 10
GUR 2 (pî) 3 (BAR) šeGÚ-TUR 60 GUR šešamaššammu[ŠE.GIŠ] napḫar[PAP]2700
(GUR) ebûru[BURU15]
4 GUR saḫ-lí-e 20 measures [gur] chick-peas, 10
measures [gur], 2 (pi), 3 [bar] of lentils, 60 measures [gur] sesame, Total
2700 measures [gur] to harvest, 4 measures [gur] watercress(?)/gardencress(?= Lepidium satīvum),
22′[1] gur ŠE.ŠAM.EBUR.SAR 18 GUR ŠE.šûmu[SAM.SAR] 8 GUR SUM.SAR.EL(?) 20 GUR šaman
kirî ina
iṣuma-ši-ḫu rabûu 1 measure [gur] 1 measure [gur]
harvestable herbal plants(?), 18 measures [gur] garlic, 8 measures [gur]
onions, 20 measures [gur] garden-oil in in great (wooden) measures
23′[ina mu]ḫ-ḫi ID.DINGIR.Nannaru-magir u man-dat-tum ištenen
alpuzun 15 zi-kar u 2500 on top of the channel of the Great Nannaru and as a gift an
ox, 15 goats and 2500
24′[qâta] šá ki-ti-ú i-nam-di-nu-′ linnen
(hand woven) clothes you will provide.
25′[ultu ITI]SIG4
šá MU.41.KÁM šeatu šu′âti ina pâni-šu-nu ištenen pu-ut šanîi
a-na e-ṭir From the month of Simânu of the 41st year stands the
delivery before first facing its rescue
26′[…] šu′âti na- šú-ú ša ki-rib iṭ- ṭir …that he pays the demand
27′LÚ mu-ki-nu
mDanna-a A šá mNa-din mIdin-Marduk[MU-dAMAR.UTU]
A šá mUballiṭ-sudAMAR.UTU mdNIN-IB-naṣir u mdNIN-IB mu-tir-ri-gimillu Witnesses:
Danna-a son of Na-din. Idin-il-Marduk son of mUballiṭ-su-il-Marduk. Nin-ib-naṣir and NIN-IB mu-tir-ri-gimillu
28′[apleMEŠ-ša] mdNabû-[aḫḫê]MEŠ-iddina[dAG-ŠEŠ. MEŠ-MU] Nabû-[aḫḫê]MEŠ-iddina
29′[mErîba-dEnlil[SU-dEN.LIL]] A šá mdEn-líl-ba-na mBa-la-ṭu A šá mdNIN-IB-ga-mil Erîba-dEnlil
the son of En-líl-ba-na. Ba-la-ṭu the son of NIN-IB-ga-mil
30′[…]-aḫ-iddina. mBa-la-ṭu A šá. mBel[dEN]-šu-nu. mdNIN-IB-aḫ-iddina A šá. mdEnlil-šum-ibni […]aḫ-iddina. Ba-la-ṭu the son of Bel[dEN]-šu-nu.
NIN-IB-aḫ-iddina the son of Enlil-šum-ibni
31′[…]LÚaklu šá abulli rabû A šá mBul-luṭ-a. mdEn-lil-šum-iddina A šá mTat-tan-nu. The men
standing before the great gates: the son of Bul-luṭ-a. En-lil-šum-iddina the son of
Tat-tan-nu.
32′[mdBêl-it-tan]-nu A šá mdLamassu-nadin mḪar-bat-a-nu A šá mZu-um-bu. Bêl-it-tan]-nu
the son of Lamassu-nadin. Ḫar-bat-a-nu the son of Zu-um-bu.
33′[…] A šá mIqîšâša-a mTat-tan-nu A šá. mBel[dEN]-šu-nu.
mdNIN-IB-ga-mil A šá […] the
son of Iqîšâša-a. Tat-tan-nu the son of Bel[dEN]-šu-nu.
NIN-IB-ga-mil the son of
34′[…]-a-a. mSi-lim-URU.MEŠ A šá. mŠum-iddina. […]-a-a. Si-lim-URU.MEŠ the son of Šum-iddina.
35′[…m]Ar-táḫ-ša-as-su LUGAL.KUR.KUR […m]Ar-táḫ-ša-as-su
king of the countries
(Rev.) abnukunukku. mdBêl[dEN]-it-tan-nu
A šá mdBêl[dEN]-uballiṭ-su. abnukunukku. mApla-a A šá mdBêl[dEN]-balaṭ-su-igbi. Stone of
the cylinder seal: Bêl[dEN]-it-tan-nu the son of Bêl[dEN]-uballiṭ-su. abnukunukku. mApla-a A šá
mdBêl[dEN]-balaṭ-su-igbi. Stone of
the cylinder seal: Apla-a the son of Bêl[dEN]-balaṭ-su-igbi.
Left Side abnukunukku. mdEn-lil-šum-iddina
A šá. mTat-tan-nu Stone of
the cylinder seal: En-lil-šum-iddina the son of Tat-tan-nu
Size 1 pānu[PI] = 6 BÁN = 36 SÌLA = 0.265 ha 1 kur[GUR] = 5
PI = 30 BÁN = 180 SÌLA = 1.323 ha Volume =
30.31
liters 1 kur[GUR]
= 5 PI = 30 BÁN = 180 SÌLA = 151.56 liters (Stolper
1985: 128)
Notes to the
text: 1.
Tattanu in line 33 “Tat-tan-nu the
son of Bel[dEN]-šu-nu” is mentioned also in other Murashu Texts
(Stolper 1985: 47). He was a mašennu official. It is the combination of
IGI+GUB (Stolper 1985: 46 footnote 42 suggested by J. Schawe in 1931 but
rejected by B. Landsberger in 1933 however accepted by the Chicago Akkadian
Dictionary with reservation. The canal managers acted as subordinates of the mašennu
officials (Stolper 1985: 46). Texts where Tattanu’s name appears are listed for
the years 24, 32, 35 and 37 of Artaxerxes I (Stolper 1985: 46). 2.
Left Side of the
Tablet: “En-lil-šum-iddina the son of Tat-tan-nu”. He was the one who
placed the cylinder seal. He was also standing in the Great Gate, see line 31. 3.
Line 30 identifies a brother of Tattanu
since they share the same father: “Ba-la-ṭu the son of Bel[dEN]-šu-nu”. 4.
“The managers of canals and other crown
interests conferred on the Murašu house two categories of real resources, land
and water. The firm, in turn, subleased these properties to its own tenants”
(Stolper 1985: 49). In text 25, mentioned on the same page by Stolper, En-lil-šum-iddina
the son of Tat-tan-nu was asked to give them water and a land: “Give us
(scil. on sublease) the waters of the [royal] reservoir [ ... and the uzbarra
field adjoining it, which] you hold [on lease] from Tattannu, who is in charg[e
of revenues of the canal NN]”. The uzbarra field is the crown-field
(Stolper 1985: 42). 5.
Line 1 is now clearer: “E-a-ṣitti]-šú, the son of Aḫ-da-tu4-še, servant of
En-lil-[šum-iddina the son of…]-da-šab, the son of Šabbat-a-a”. Aḫ-da-tu4-še, was the servant of
En-lil-[šum-iddina who was the son of Tattanu. E-a-ṣitti]-šú and another individual, omission]-da-šab,
the son of Šabbat-a-a” spoke to En-lil-[šum-iddina. They wanted land
at various zones across the Persian empire it seems: land and or water or seed
and livestock in Dan, in Akko, in Heshbon, in Ashkelon. Fields next to the
Great Nannaru canal were also involved. These farmers had a macro-vision to be
involved over such a large territory. Other cities are also mentioned: Titurru,
Kugabbari, Kuraḫimu (are these last two cities actually
ku+Geber and ku+Reḫem?). The owner’s name is also in line
5 given same as the city in line 6: “land of Ra-ḫi-im-el”. See also the interesting co-incidence
of the name of the city Kuzabattum as ku+zabattum in line 3 with the name of
Sabbata-a in line 1. Geographical dialectics and cross-cultural linguistics can
explain the phonetic and phonological variations and many examples can be
listed to support the connection. There is also the city of Ḫuṣṣietu line 8 and the House of Ki-ki-e in
the same line. Is it crude to suggest a phonological attempt ending the
connection between Gaza and Ḫuṣṣietu? If the theory holds water, then
there is a mention of cities of the coast of Palestine from Gaza, Ashkelon a
certain Beth-Ki-ki and House of Akko in line 8. 6.
This text is not a contract but a
report of the contract because it gives the contract and its envelope text as
well. In those days, the contract clay tablet was placed in a clay envelope in
which the content in the tablet was repeated on the outside for the receiver’s
eye. Discrepancies could be checked and controlled in this way. This text gives
both readings. 7.
There was a Belshunnu in BE 8, 126
cited by Tilini Gauthier in his study on Women in the Murashu Texts, as the “daughter
of [Ah-ereš]” (Gauthier dating the text to 427 or 37th year of
Artaxerxes I, see Gauthier 2012: 4, confirmed as the daughter of Ah-ereš in BE
9, 58). Her nailmark is on the tablet. Was she the mother of Tattanu? 8.
If Balaṭu in line 30 is the son of Belshunnu as
it says, and Balaṭu is the son of NIN-IB-ga-mil in line
29. Quite a number of texts read supports the first and the other texts the
second in Clay 1904 page 41. 9.
In
BE 9, 58 she is the wife of Shum-iddin the son of Zabadu. 10. Shum-iddin
is the son of Zabadu (see Gauthier 2012 in BE 8, 126 on page 4). 11.
The Murashu Brothers had a jail or
detention center for those who cannot pay the debt. Reflections on the tablet mentioning Heshbon. Sabbath
in the Murashu Texts The
Jewish name “the son of Šabbat-a-a” appears in line 1 at the end. The
text dates to the year 423 BCE which is the 41st year of Artaxerxes
I or the last year in his reign (see line 35). Nehemiah
high official of Artaxerxes I Nehemiah
the cupbearer or Vice-President or Foreign Secretary Advisor to Artaxerxes I , came
to the Jerusalem area in 444 BCE. Nehemiah
very wealthy Nehemiah
was very wealthy to have such expensive meals provided for his laborers over
the 52 days of their wall-building operations. Multiple
Shushan’s theory and evidence Ran
Zadok’s Geographical Names According to New- and Late-Babylonian Texts,
Répertoire Geographice des Textes Cuneiformes 9 (Wiesbaden, 1985) and Israel
Ephal speaks about Topographical names in the texts. They pointed out that
there are nearly 4 different Shushans, and a number of duplications of other
cities. Multiple
Babylons theory and evidence We
already have the study on the many Babylons in history of the past where Larsa,
Nippur, Niniveh and other cities before Babylon of Nebuchadnezzar’s day were
also called “Babylon”. It is because Babylon is also a region, besides city,
but also a kind of denominative “title” attached to a city giving it character,
personality, identification. It is the center of religious activity of a
specific empire of the past. This is very important since the role of Babylon
in the Bible is just that: every empire’s main capital was “Babylon” and in
Peter’s writings in the New Testament we learn of Babylon as Rome. Peter was
not wrong. He was ancient near eastern in historiography. The
Babylons in history study is that in RAI 51 by Stephanie Dalley “Babylon
as a Name for Niniveh and Other Cities”. It can be downloaded from the
internet. Now,
if Zadok and Ephal is claiming in their publication supra that Heshbon and
Ashkelon in this text is the same as Babylon, namely just another region or
city in the area around Nippur where the Murashu Brother’s financial
institution was, then one has to take exception to this view. Ontologically, it
is customary for colonialists to bring their city-names from their motherland
and transplant it in the new zone where they settled and many examples exist in
Newzealand, Australia and South Africa of such duplication of cities. The
likelihood is that it could also have happened in the days of the Murashu
Brothers or earlier in the time of the transplanting of the Israelites in 723
BCE or 597, 586 BCE. But then the name Heshbon and Ashkelon in the texts would
be in many texts clearly indicating just that, namely that it is just a zone
around the author of the scribe of the tablet from Niniveh, or Babylon or
Nippur or even Sushan and Persepolis. I speak under correction, but I do not
think such a text exists, namely outside the Murashu Brother’s mention of these
cities to verify that Heshbon and Ashkelon in text CBS 5305 is nothing but just
a regional Mesopotamian reference cancelling any reference to a Transjordan and
Palestine reference in the Persian Period of Nehemiah’s times. Heshbon If
they are claiming that the Heshbon in this text (line 6) is not Heshbon but
another area near Nippur then I seem to contest that view. Line 6: “and in
the city of Ḫa-aš-ba-a”. Ashkelon The
spelling of Ashkelon is in line 8 with the way it was transliterated in from
with other Akkadian texts. Line 8: “of the peoples of the city of
Iš-qal-lu-nu”. So
the next step will be to see what Radok and Ephal said about these names in
their book. A. T. Clay and Hilprecht 1898 took it for Heshbon and Ashkelon. Jerusalem? There
is also the interesting name si-lim-URU.MEŠ which was the common way in which Jews wrote
their names with the plural sign attached. It is almost the reverse of
Jeru-Salem. In the case of Melchizedek the priest/king of Salem in Genesis
14:18 in the days of Abraham in 2142 BCE, would have been written as follows in
Akkadian of those days or Sumerian: URU si-lim = Jeru-salem. URU is
always attached to the names of cities in Sumerian and Akkadian. Literally the
person’s name would be “si-lim cities” meaning cities attached to his function
or power of authority with Jerusalem as the center of the power. That may be a
reference to Nehemiah as representative for the king Artaxerxes I or the one
after Nehemiah in control of the area. Was Nehemiah also in control of the
whole region of Transjordan and Palestine while working at Jerusalem to build
the walls? The Bible does not say that. Power
of Nehemiah and his influence over the Murashu Brothers? The
power of Nehemiah in 432 BCE is illustrated in the following way: that may be
the year that he complained about the debt and interest charges by the Murashu
Brother’s institution and similar charges local in and around Jerusalem. What
is interesting is that in that year the activities of the Murashu Brothers
dropped significantly so that contracts were kept to the minimum, since tablets
are non-existent for this year or if so, only a few (compare the diagrams of
analysis of the Murashu Texts by W. Stolper in his publication, online
available of 1985). However, in the first year of Darius II enormous amounts of
debts were incurred by the Murashu Brothers as one can see in W. Stolper 1997
mentioned by Gauthier 2012: page 9. Dan There
is the interesting reference to the city of Dan read and vocalized by the
Akkadian Persian scribe at the Murashu Brothers as line 6: “in the city of
the House of Da-a-a-na-tu”. The –tu is optional and not always used as
other examples from the Murashu Texts indicates. The scholars like Stolper et
al would suggest the reading Dayyana. Beth-Dayyana? Vocalization or
pronunciation to the Eastern Semitic scribe by a Western Semitic scribe may
lead to additions in vowels in the ear of the scribe but not in the brain or
mind of the Jewish speaker. I argue for Dan in Palestine. Akko
and Ashkelon Also
to mention is the city of Akko near the city of Ashkelon in the text. Line 8 at
the end: “city of the House Ak-ki-e”. The vowel differences should not
disturb us since these are cases of cross-cultural geographical dialectics and
linguistics where phonology and morphology creates a interaction in influence.
The scribes hand is pushed by his ear trying to simulate with his own baggage
what he heard was spoken by the Jewish speaker. Grammatical regionality is not
going to work here in such a case. Look for example at the phonics and spelling
of the person with the name of Sabbath at the end of line 2. Sabbath
and Nehemiah Sabbath Reform in Nehemiah 13 Sabbath
is important because Julius Wellhausen et al are trying to suggest that Moses
and his Decalogue has a late origin. As Clay et al indicated, this name Sabbath
in line 2 is proof that the Decalogue was in place long before since this
person can only be called by his mother and father Sabbath, if Sabbath of Moses
fame, existed in the father and mother’s time earlier.
Nehemiah’s name in some Murashu
Texts A couple of texts from the Murashu Brothers used the
name “Nehemiah”. See W. Stolper 1985 at text 89 line 2 as Naḫmanu
(Na-aḫ-ma-nu).
In three texts from the later son of Artaxerxes I, Darius II at the Murashu
Brothers Texts a similar name as Nehemiah is used: 118, 128, 127 as Mi-na-aḫ-ḫi-im,
Mi-na- aḫ-ḫi
–mu (see the text by A. T. Clay in 1917 from the time of Darius II of the
Murashu Brothers, download from internet at archive search).
Debt in the Days of Nehemiah and
Murashu Texts Debt in the days of Nehemiah is relevant from a
citation by W. Stolper in 1985: 33. “Thirdly, in many receipts for rents and taxes, the
recipients are required by the terms of the document to enter and clear the
payment in the accounts of others; it is assumed here that the recipients were
agents of the persons in whose accounts they were to clear the receipts 119.
These assumptions are mutually consistent: in numerous cases, the
"servants of PN" had "in (their) possession" (ina qate)
lands belonging to their masters 120; or they acted on written authorization of
their masters 121; or they were required to clear receipts in their masters'
records 122 . Mortages
The second part of the discussion (Chapters V-VII) turns by degrees to the immediate political and economic context of the
Archive. It begins with an examination of the largest single category of texts
in the Archive, certificates of obligation secured by pledges of land- here
loosely called "mortgages". Other text types reflect the Murašus'
dealings with property owners of diverse rank and situation, but in the
mortgages the debtors are occupants of bow fiefs only. As other commentators
have seen, the temporal distribution of mortgages in the Archive is irregular.
The remarks on lines of control in preceding sections allow the formation of a
hypothesis which explains the incidence of mortgages not simply as a function
of the Murašu firm's commercial policies, but as a reflex of activities in the
political arena: the disturbances which brought Darius II Ochos to the throne
in 424/3 B.C. caused a sharp rise in the indebtedness of Babylonian
feudatories.”
Genre of texts from the Murashu
brothers [citation continues from Stolper 1985]: “Appendix 11
includes copies and transliterations of 120 texts, arranged in groups
determined by functional characteristics: leases issued to the Murašus (Nos.
1-10); leases and subleases issued to the Murašus' tenants and subordinates
(Nos. 11-30); a reciprocal agreement on the possession of lands (No. 31) and
fragmentary leases (Nos. 32-33); receipts for payments of rent (Nos. 34-49);
receipts for payments of taxes (Nos. 50-55); other receipts (Nos. 56-61);
"mortgages", i.e., notes of debts secured by pledges of real property
(Nos. 62-82); other records of debt (Nos. 83-89); contracts for procurement of
goods or performance of work (Nos. 90-98); arrangements for release of and/or
surety for distrained debtors or workers (Nos. 99-105); documents dealing with
litigation (Nos.l06-lll); miscellaneous texts and fragmentary texts of
uncertain functional type (Nos. 112-120).”
Sources: Stolper, M. W. Management and politics in later
Achaemenid Babylonia; new texts from the Murasu archive (Diss. Ann Arbor, 1974)
= Entrepreneurs and Empire: the Murasu Archive, the Murasu Firm, and Persian
Rule in Babylonia. Leiden, 1985. Free Download from Internet. Clay, A. T. (1904). Business Documents of Murashu
Sons of Nippur Dated IX The Reign of Darius II (424-404 BC). Philadelphia. Gauthier Tolini. "Women and family solidarities
in the Murashû Archive (Nippur ‐ Fifth century B.C.)" REFEMA
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